By Rory McTurk
This significant survey of previous Norse-Icelandic literature and tradition includes 29 chapters written via top students within the box, over a 3rd of whom are Icelanders. whilst, it conveys a feeling of the mainland Scandinavian origins of the Icelandic humans, and displays the continued touch among Iceland and different international locations and cultures.
The quantity highlights present debates between previous Norse-Icelandic students focusing on various features of the topic. assurance of conventional themes is complemented by way of fabric on formerly missed components of analysis, akin to the sagas of Icelandic bishops and the translated knightsвЂ™ sagas. Chapters on вЂarchaeologyвЂ™, вЂsocial institutionsвЂ™ and вЂgeography and travelвЂ™ give the chance to view the literature in its wider cultural context whereas chapters on вЂreceptionвЂ™ and вЂcontinuityвЂ™ exhibit the ways that medieval Norse-Icelandic literature and tradition overflow into the fashionable interval.
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Additional resources for A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic Literature and Culture
3 A part of the system of earthworks in northeast Iceland. ß A´rni Einarsson, Fornleifastofnun I´slands. 18 Orri Ve´steinsson nutrition on the one hand and, on the other, isolation and clean water, which will have impeded the spread of infectious diseases (Gestsdo´ttir 1998). It seems then that by the eleventh century the Icelanders were on the whole well fed and that they had begun to be able to invest in large-scale building projects. They were, however, still materially poor in comparison with the societies of mainland Scandinavia, and it is not until the thirteenth century that we begin to see signs of concentrated surplus wealth in the North Atlantic colonies.
In some cases (for example, Greluto´ttir in north-west Iceland and To´ftanes on Eysturoy in the Faeroes) the relocation seems to have been over a short distance, possibly within the same home-field, but in others (for example, Hvı´ta´rholt in southern Iceland and Herjo´lfsdalur in Vestmannaeyjar) the abandonment of the farms seems to have been part of a larger-scale reorganization of the settlements. These relocations attest to the length of the learning curve involved in colonizing a new country.
As the above examples show, a small number of fourteenth-century hagiographers were self-conscious workers willing to name themselves and tell us something about their aims. It is therefore all the more frustrating that the individuals who revised the sagas of the native saints remain, with a single exception, anonymous. It is impossible to generalize about these sagas except to say that, like translated lives, the sagas of native holy men also got longer and more elaborate. Þorla´ks saga was revised towards the end of the thirteenth century.
A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic Literature and Culture by Rory McTurk